Amasyn: A cybernetic utopia

[gL.edu] This article gathers contributions by Lena-Maria Stupitzky, developed within the context of the Conceptual clarifications about "Utopias and the Information Society", under the supervisión of J.M. Díaz Nafría.

Digital technologies have reshaped the world, with platform capitalism epitomized by Amazon leading the charge. The bottom-up and emancipatory promises of Web 2.0 have been undermined, leaving us in a reality where technology increasingly enables capital to infiltrate every aspect of our daily lives. But what if we consider the road not taken? Instead of viewing technological development as a unidirectional path of progress, we can uncover lost futures and potential alternatives. This brings us to Project Cybersyn — a decades-old socialist initiative that challenges our assumptions about technology's role in society. Could the experiences of less industrialized nations, and their bold experiments with digital systems, offer insights into the technological dilemmas of our time? In this exploration, we’ll examine Cybersyn as a vision of platform syndicalism and contrast it with its capitalist twin, Amazon. By looking into Amazon’s near future through the lens of Cybersyn, we can imagine alternative paths for technology and society.

"The Chilean road to socialism" - The CyberSyn project by Salvador Allende and Stafford Beer

1970 marked a historic turning point when Salvador Allende, an avowed Marxist, was democratically elected president for the first time in free elections.  (Nohlen, 1973, S. 7) This election victory opened up the possibility of implementing far-reaching structural reforms legally and peacefully. Allende promised a new and unique transition to socialism that would consciously distance itself from the ideological and political extremes of the two main players in the Cold War, the USA and the Soviet Union. Allende wanted to turn Chile into a socialist country, but he wanted to bring about this change by peaceful means - not by force of arms - while respecting the country's existing democratic processes and institutions. The assets and property of foreign multinationals and the Chilean oligarchy were to be transferred to the state, income was to be redistributed and new mechanisms for worker participation were to be created. The democratic principles and institutions that Allende wanted to preserve included respect for election results, the rule of law and fundamental freedoms - including freedom of opinion, speech, press and assembly. (Medina, 2023) The social policy of the Unidad Popular (UP) included a 40-point program, which included free education and providing every child with half a liter of milk every day. The economic policy followed a neo-Keynesian approach with extensive public investment to stimulate the economy and strict price controls to combat inflation. A central component of the program was the expansion of state and collective ownership. This included the nationalization of natural resources, in particular copper mines, a comprehensive agrarian reform to redistribute large landholdings and the takeover of all companies with a capital of more than one million US dollars by the state. (Thannhäuser, 2023) The fact that Allende was committed to socialist change by constitutional means distinguished Chilean socialism from socialism in Cuba or the Soviet Union. (Medina, 2023) Chile was an exception in Latin America, as the country could point to an uninterrupted democratic tradition from 1932 to 1973 - the longest period by Latin American standards. Allende's positions stood in sharp contrast to the political situation in neighboring countries such as Argentina and Brazil, where repressive military dictatorships had taken power at the same time (1970) in order to stop the alleged threat of communism. Chile was also the focus of US foreign policy. As part of the Alliance for Progress, Chile received over one billion US dollars in aid in the belief that the population's standard of living could be raised and the working class would be kept away from communist movements.

After Salvador Allende was elected president, the US responded with covert operations to prevent Chile from adopting a socialist stance. These included the financing of opposition parties and media, economic sabotage and international financial blockades. Allende's plan to fundamentally change Chile's social and economic structures met with resistance from Chile's privileged classes as well as international obstacles. Nevertheless, Chile's democratic tradition offered hope for an innovative political model. It was against this backdrop that the ambitious Cybersyn project was born, which was intended to support the country's economic transformation with the help of cybernetic approaches and computer technology.

April 30, 1971, the first day of Salvador Allende's term of office, was supposed to be a roaring celebration throughout Chile to celebrate the new Socialist government. Instead, on the eve of the May Day celebrations in 1971, a conflict erupted that set the government on a new, irreversible course. Unusually, this turning point was not due to the intrigues of the domestic bourgeoisie or their supporters in Washington, but to a labor dispute. (Chadwick, 2024)

A strike broke out at one of the largest textile factories in Latin America, the Yarur plant, in which the workers demanded that the government, which has been in power for seven months, take action and nationalize the site. This called into question the socialist government's previous plans. Allende's coalition, the Unidad Popular (UP), was thrown into turmoil, as the original strategy of an orderly transition to socialism no longer seemed feasible within the existing legal framework.

The workforce at the Yarur factory mobilized specifically to demand expropriation. However, President Allende and the leaders of the Socialist and Communist parties, the two largest blocs in the coalition, were reluctant to nationalize companies without the approval of Congress. Within the UP leadership, only a minority was convinced that both the labour movement and the government would be able to politically manage a wave of expropriations and nationalizations. The fear of possible retaliation by the elites was omnipresent. (Chadwick, 2024)

The turning point in favor of the Yarur workers was the decisive action of Óscar Guillermo Garretón, Undersecretary of State in the Ministry of Economy. He belonged to the small group that uncompromisingly supported the workers' demand for expropriation. Garretón not only put his own position at risk, but also convinced his superior, Pedro Vuskovic Bravo, Minister of Economy, to also take a stand. Both threatened to resign if the workers' demands were not met. (Chadwick, 2024)

During the strike, a small, ambitious faction within the new government developed a plan to strategically exploit the confusing situation and the government's inability to act, while at the same time strengthening its own position within the UP coalition. The strike was to serve as an opportunity to put a little-known technological project at the center of the economic policy program: SYNCO, also known as Cybersyn, a project whose name is derived from the terms "cybernetics" and "synergy". (Chadwick, 2024)

As technical director, 28-year-old Fernando Flores Labra held the third-highest position in the state agency "Corporación de Fomento de la Producción" (CORFO), which was responsible for the nationalization of industry under the socialist government of the Unidad Popular. Despite his young age, he played a key role in the implementation of the nationalization policy.

In a letter to the British cyberneticist Stafford Beer, Flores wrote that he was familiar with Beer's work on management cybernetics and was "now in a position where it is possible to apply scientific knowledge about management and organization at the national level - where cybernetic thinking becomes a necessity". At the same time, he asked Beer for advice on applying cybernetic principles to the management of Chilean state-owned enterprises, the number of which was steadily increasing due to President Allende's nationalization policy. (Medina, 2023)

"The battle for production"

The American historian Peter Winn describes the government's strategy as contradictory: "The threat of a rural revolution from below was met with an accelerated reform from above." Within just one and a half years, the government implemented one of the fastest land reforms in history, dismantling the system of large-scale land ownership that had existed since the colonial era. Even Zhou Enlai, the Prime Minister of the People's Republic of China, urged Allende to push ahead with the reforms at a more moderate pace.  (Winn, 2023)

The first year of the UP government was economically successful. The structuralist and Keynesian economic policy increased purchasing power, created jobs and led to significant economic growth. By November 1971, workers' real wages had risen by an average of 30 percent, which increased demand, boosted production and strengthened popular support for the government. In the same period, gross domestic product grew by 7.7 percent, production by 13.7 percent and consumption by 11.6 percent. In addition, all major mining companies and 68 other key industries were nationalized, further strengthening social support for the government. (Medina, 2023)

On November 4, 1971, the first anniversary of the Allende government, Stafford Beer arrived in Chile. On the same day, President Allende spoke at the National Stadium about the achievements of his government to date, including the economic reforms and the nationalization and expropriation of domestic and foreign companies. The rapid progress made it clear that efficient administrative structures were urgently needed for the constantly growing public sector in the second year of government. (Medina, 2023)

Structure of Cybersyn

After his arrival in Santiago, Beer and a team began analyzing management problems in the public sector and applying cybernetic models to the economic system. He initially developed the Cyberstride project - a computer system to support state economic management - which was to provide the first decision-making aids after just four months. The system was based on Beer's concept of the "freedom machine", which used real-time networks to overcome bureaucratic obstacles and integrate expert knowledge into the decision-making process. In control rooms, "real-time data" would be collected, analyzed and used to manage state-controlled industries. Beer noted that the system, if built, would "demonstrate the key features of cybernetic management" (Medina, 2023)

Based on this hierarchical decision-making model, the overall project consisted of four sub-projects: Cybernet, Cyberstride, Checo and Opsroom, which emulated Beer's Viable System Model "VSM". Cybernet should use the Telex network to monitor the companies in real time. Although this control seemed to contradict Allende's idea of individual freedom, it was limited to external observation and daily results of the companies - in line with the idea of a centralized economy. Cyberstride was the software collection for managing cybernet between state-owned companies. CHECO (Chilean Economy) was never realized, but was conceived as a mathematical and statistical model to simulate the behavior of the Chilean economy, predict its evolution and find solutions to potential problems.  (Nafría, 2016) The Opsroom, designed by Gui Bonsiepe, was conceived as a control room for the entire project and was realized as a prototype in Santiago. With its seven workstations and user-friendly systems that could be operated by any worker, it set new standards in the design of user interfaces. The focus was on creating a symbiotic relationship between man and machine. "The control room should NOT be seen as a room of interesting devices, but as a control machine that encompasses people and artifacts in a symbiotic relationship. It must be conceived as a whole and as an operational unit".  (Beer, 1972). At the end of 1972, President Salvador Allende visited the prototype of the Opsroom, which became the symbolic centerpiece and flagship of the project.

In the 1970s, Chile's National Computer Center (ECOM) only had four mainframe computers, of which Stafford Beer was only allowed to use one for his cybernetics project. In order to set up a functioning network, Beer's team relied on the use of telex machines. These were to transmit production data from the factories to the ECOM computer, where computer specialists transferred the information to punched cards and fed it into the central computer. A statistics program analyzed the data, detected deviations and raised the alarm in the event of problems. The companies concerned and CORFO were then able to take action.

The simple telex technology made it possible to implement the network without any major technical hurdles. ENTEL, the national telecommunications company, provided unused telex machines that had been procured in the 1960s but never installed. This allowed the team to use the necessary equipment without expensive imports, which was crucial given Chile's economic situation and the US blockade. (Medina, 2023)

In January 1972, Stafford Beer commissioned the management consultancy Arthur Andersen in London to develop the software for the Cyberstride project. To save costs and gain time, Beer and Fernando Flores split the work between London and Chile. The British team developed a preliminary version as a proof of concept, while Chilean engineers created a permanent version that was adapted to the specific requirements of the Chilean economy.

The software was based on Bayesian statistical techniques and was able to recognize significant fluctuations in production data. It analyzed whether new data indicated a linear trend or a deviation and dynamically adjusted predictions of economic development. Stafford Beer's concept for the Cyberstride project aimed to replace the Chilean government's traditional reporting procedures with a modern, data-based solution. Instead of using long, printed reports based on data collected monthly or annually, the government would use the software to prioritize and target limited resources to the sectors with the greatest need.

Beer also initiated the development of an economic simulator to complement the Cyberstride software. This simulator was to serve as a "government test laboratory" to give decision-makers the opportunity to plan strategically beyond day-to-day business and test long-term economic scenarios. However, the road to the permanent version was long, as the Chilean experts for process and planning optimization first had to analyze all state-owned companies and define the production indicators to be monitored for the software. (Medina, 2023)  

Allendes last year

In October 1972, a nationwide strike by Chilean truck drivers plunged the country into a serious crisis that posed major challenges for both Allende's government and the Cybersyn project. In order to maintain food supplies, the government expanded the telex network developed for Cybersyn, which was now used to coordinate resources and transportation routes across the length of the country. During the strike, around 2,000 messages were sent daily, allowing the government to respond to shortages and coordinate truck drivers loyal to the government. Although the telex network played an important role, the strike marked a turning point: the opposition increasingly put the government on the defensive and it became clear that Cybersyn alone could not solve the country's complex economic and political problems. (Medina, 2023)

Poder Popular and the internal divisions of the UP

The Poder Popular, a spontaneous grassroots movement, made a significant contribution to stabilizing the government. Workers took over closed factories, organized infrastructure with confiscated vehicles and worked extra shifts. Structures such as the *Cordones Industriales*, which were first founded in June 1972, united workers, farmers and residents to organize production, distribution and self-protection. These council structures expanded during the October strike and began to integrate collectivized farms without state decrees. Although the Poder Popular was a lifeline for the country, it increasingly became a challenge for the government. While the revolutionary wing of the UP, especially the majority of the PS, supported  the Poder Popular and moved closer to radical positions, the legalist wing under Allende saw it as a threat to the alliance with the middle classes. Internal tensions in the UP escalated as no unified line could be found between "progressive consolidation" and "consolidating progress". The stalemate in parliament after the elections in March 1973 exacerbated the political crisis, while violence on the streets and terror by the extreme right-wing group *Patria y Libertad* increased. An attempted coup by the armed forces on June 29, 1973 was defeated, but the threat of a coup d'état and open civil war became real. The situation came to a head when General Carlos Prats resigned from office on August 23. He recommended the supposedly loyal General Augusto Pinochet to Salvador Allende as his successor.  (Thannhäuser, 2023)

Coup of September 11, 1973. Bombing of La Moneda (presidential palace)

At dawn on September 11, 1973, the armed forces under Pinochet's high command striked. Allende hurried to the presidential palace and gave a final radio address at 9:10 am. Instead of calling for armed resistance or insurrection, he expressed his deep disappointment at the betrayal and constitutional violation of the putschists. Around midday, Hawker Hunter fighter planed fired missiles at the presidential palace. (Medina, 2023) After calling on his entourage to surrender, Allende shoots himself with an AK-47 at around 2:20 pm - a gift from Fidel Castro. (Thannhäuser, 2023)  Isolated armed resistance in the Cordones Industriales and the poor districts continued until the next day. However, the brutality with which the armed forces crush the left and the democratic system exceeds all expectations. In the provinces, persecutions and internments of supporters and collaborators of the ousted president began, with summary executions. Bounties were offered to fugitive leaders of the Marxist left. Luis Corvalán was threatened with a trial. These measures gave rise to fears that important elements of Chilean political culture, which had been preserved under the Marxist government, would now be destroyed.  (Nohlen, 1973, P. 20) With the violent end of the socialist experiment in Chile, the military also put an end to the technological experiment of cybernetic administration.

Climate strike (49534187193).jpg

AmaSyn

Amazon, originally founded as an online bookstore, has developed into one of the most powerful corporations in the world. Behind the façade of technological innovation and customer convenience lies a reality of systematic exploitation and uncontrolled power. The working conditions in the logistics centers and the company's data-driven business model raise fundamental ethical and social questions.

The working conditions in Amazon's warehouses are a perfect example of the extreme stress experienced by modern workers. Under inhuman pressure to perform and constant surveillance, the employees have to deliver top performance - often at the expense of their health. A tragic climax occurred in Leipzig in 2022: a worker died of exhaustion during his shift. Instead of interrupting operations or dealing with the incident, the body was simply covered up with cardboard boxes so as not to disrupt the workflow. Such incidents are not isolated cases, but are symptomatic of a system that places profit above human dignity. At the same time, Amazon is waging an aggressive battle against trade unions and any form of collective organization of the workforce. The company invests heavily in strategies to monitor and crush trade union movements in order to prevent potential resistance at an early stage. This systematic sabotage of workers' rights illustrates Amazon's willingness to sacrifice democratic principles and social justice to its position of power. Amazon's business model is also based on the systematic collection and exploitation of personal data. This data is used to analyze consumer behavior, influence purchasing decisions and open up new markets - often at the expense of data protection and privacy. The massive accumulation of data not only enables the company to displace competitors, but also to influence social processes in an unprecedented way.

The beginning

A decisive moment occurred in 2022 when a worker at a plant in Leipzig collapsed and died while at work. The manager ignored the medical need and instead alerted the safety department so as not to disrupt the workflow. At the plant, his body was simply covered with cardboard boxes so that other employees could continue working undisturbed. This extreme form of dehumanization became a catalyst for resistance. The deceased colleague embodied more than just a code number in the system - he was part of our community. His treatment as a disruptive factor in the company's operations mobilized protests, demonstrations and union organization, but a single death was not enough to bring about fundamental change. Despite temporary improvements, the exploitation of vulnerable groups continued - especially people with a migrant background and little knowledge of German. The right-wing conservative government exacerbated the precarious situation with its anti-worker policies and neoliberal economic agenda. Decades of struggle had achieved small successes, but had not brought about any fundamental changes. The economic situation made many people accept their precarious employment as having no alternative. The development process of our "revolution" was by no means linear - the reality was far more complex. Years of systematic strategy development were necessary to establish alternative economic concepts in society. The communication of post-capitalist perspectives and the demonstration of feasible, non-market-oriented economies required intensive persuasion.

The misfortune

On November 12, 2031, a fire disaster occurred at the delivery center near Ansbach, Upper Bavaria. The outdated plant, characterized by illegal cutbacks in the building fabric and inadequate fire protection, became the scene of one of Germany's most devastating industrial disasters. Over 50 workers lost their lives and the firefighting work lasted three weeks. The consequences were fatal: toxic emissions caused irreversible environmental damage. Entire communities suffered economic ruin due to the loss in value of their properties. The human suffering was beyond measure. This catastrophe marked the decisive turning point in our struggle. The effects no longer only affected the marginalized working class, but all social classes. The massive loss of colleagues, the dismay of local residents and the shocking documentation of the disaster left an indelible mark on the collective memory. Despite intensive efforts by the company management to dampen public outrage, we had already organized ourselves strategically. This tragedy would not be forgotten - especially as hundreds of Black Friday orders were not delivered or partially burnt products arrived but were claimed dozens of times. While similar disasters have already cost hundreds of workers their lives in other countries, the scale of the disaster has now reached Germany for the first time. The inevitable consequence of every disaster - personal responsibility - also manifested itself here. The incumbent government, dominated by the new right and economic liberals, had to bear the consequences of its anti-worker policies. An unprecedented political upheaval followed: for the first time since the Weimar Republic, an Anarchist Workers' Council took over government responsibility. This new administration, initially surprised by its room for maneuver, initiated a systematic analysis of historical transformation processes. A specialized working group evaluated past attempts at reform. Particular attention was paid to Salvador Allende's Chilean experiment Cybersyn - a visionary, albeit failed, project from the early 1970s

Memories of a Worker

The development of our vision for the future was based on Cybersyn's basic concepts, but adapted to modern conditions: Contemporary digital control systems were to enable a fundamental transformation of the mode of production. This technological innovation was combined with comprehensive democratic education and political enlightenment. Instead of a classic revolution from below, we focused on the sustainable democratization of the world of work and the fundamental renewal of social democratic principles. The core was the self-empowerment of the working population through education, co-determination and technological innovation as a grassroots democratic tool. In previously existing structures, the digital transformation mainly manifests itself as the development of subtle control mechanisms: the networking of production facilities, people and objects in digital value chains for pure process optimization - known as "Industry 4.0" - should be prevented from the outset and occur through "Union 4.0".

Wolfgang von Kempelen's fraudulent Chess automaton, later exhibited by Johann Nepomuk Maelzel.

Instead, the principle of feedback-driven self-organization "AmaSyn" is taking center stage. While digital networking has so far primarily served to maximize profits, it also offers opportunities for democratic and sustainable economic activity. Our working group is investigating both aspects and exploring ways to use this digital infrastructure for emancipatory goals without losing scientific achievements and privileges. To measure and assess the "demonstrable performance" of a business unit - whereby the quantified work result is considered the most objective indicator - it was proposed to introduce a method of continuous self-monitoring in addition to external assessments. Under the project name "We are no longer robots", employees should be able to actively participate in the target-setting process. This approach improves overall performance in the long term as it strengthens workers' identification with their tasks and their sense of responsibility. This develops an understanding of the organization as a responsive system in a larger environment. The company is understood "as a whole" - the proximity to cybernetic terminology and systems thinking is no coincidence. Business is understood as a "system" consisting of several quasi-autonomous subsystems - a concept already described by Stafford Beer in "Brain of the Firm". It is important for us not to understand the term "identification" again as a word construct of neoliberal promises, as it was often used up to this time to disguise the monetization of productivity. Instead, we want to offer people a genuine instrument for shaping society. We put the expertise of workers in all areas of the company on an equal footing - whether they are the people who pack parcels, programmers, market researchers or even consumers. There has always been a fine line between technology fetishism and technology dystopia. The negative effects of digitalization are complex and far-reaching. They affect individuals on many different levels: through the loss of qualifications, the increase in job insecurity, increased surveillance and the growing trade in private data and creative work. A telling example of this is the so-called "Mechanical Turk". In 2006, the billion-dollar company Amazon adopted this concept and used it to develop a platform on which people perform work that machines are not yet capable of doing for just a few dollars an hour under the guise of artificial intelligence. These so-called human intelligence tasks include activities such as checking CD covers for inappropriate content, checking automated translations, labeling photos or transferring addresses. Our goal is not to completely automate work - even if we had every opportunity to do so thanks to the Amazon Group's decades of data collection - but also not to forego technological progress. Instead, we are looking for the skills that have been lost over time due to absurd "optimization measures", but which are among the most human characteristics. Everyone has the ability to solve problems creatively. We want to give this ability back to people - because that is what we mean by emancipation.

AmaSyn

Our vision may sound like a utopian future, but it is crucial that we do not dictate workers' rights from above - that would ignore their fears and contradict the principle of self-empowerment. That is why we have started with small but fundamental steps to create a more just future. In line with the research on Salvador Allende's concept of democratic socialism, we have taken fundamental rights as a firm reference point for concrete change. We have abandoned the idea of monolithic corporate management in favour of a decentralized administrative structure. Power is also distributed outside the workplace among countless other micro-powers: schools, neighbourhood initiatives, welfare organizations and public enterprises, private households and children's bedrooms. To give these spaces back their autonomous agency, we have asked "Comrade Alexa" - formerly a digital hybrid, half tradwife, half data worker - to leave the families she works for and go underground for the time being - to prepare for her new task (see later in the text). These institutions shape what we perceive as the "state" and protect workers' rights in an increasingly digitalized world. To this end, it was important to divide all these institutions into subsidiary structures that are managed and worked up by the respective interest groups.

Another central aspect of our reforms concerns the world of work, especially the conditions in corporations such as Amazon. With the nationalization and democratic control of AmaSyn, the former corporation is no longer controlled by an anonymous central power, but by the workers themselves, who actively shape their working conditions as co-determinants. The right to data protection is recognized as an indispensable fundamental right. All data collected by AmaSyn and similar associations belongs to the individuals concerned - not to the companies. Trading in this data, whether for commercial or monitoring purposes, is expressly prohibited. Instead, we focus on the transparent use of information for the common good, for example to improve public services or for scientific research - never for profit. Employees have full control over their data and decide how it is used. Algorithms for monitoring or influencing work processes are transparent and subject to the control of employee representatives. We create legal mechanisms that prevent workers in the digital economy from falling victim to the greed for profit of global corporations.

The former Amazon is obliged to pay reparations to all those whose well-being or health was impaired by its technologies. Tendonitis in clickworkers, herniated discs in packers and chronic paranoia in delivery workers are recognized as official occupational diseases and can be claimed as grounds for early retirement. Our reforms combat the global injustices of neoliberal capitalism. We are taking action against the exploitation of resources, labor and data. The new system respects workers' rights and improves their quality of life. All those who have unknowingly contributed to the development of technology will be compensated for their exploitation. Our goal is a fairer labor market for all. The super-rich and corporations such as the former Amazon will be expropriated and their resources will flow into a system that serves the common good. These changes are also aimed at global justice. The social and ecological damage caused by Amazon and other multinational corporations must be made good. The company will also be obliged to pay reparations for environmental destruction and the global abuse of labor. The sale of user data or its use for surveillance purposes is no longer permitted. Independent supervisory bodies monitor the police and intelligence services to prevent the misuse of personal data.

These far-reaching, constitutional changes by AmaSyn reconcile work, digitalization and social responsibility - for a fairer and more democratic society.

"Comrade Alexa"

Our changes go beyond political and economic measures - they also affect the design of digital infrastructure and communication systems. Social structures are not based on centralized control, but on democratically organized, decentralized communication and administration. Like the Cybersyn project, we use technology not only to manage data, but to fundamentally reform the corporate structure and its relationships.

We have created a system in which all decisions are transparent and accessible at a low threshold.

Every employee at AmaSyn can actively participate in shaping their own working environment - not through abstract bureaucracy, but via an innovative digital communication platform called "Comrade Alexa". This enables all employees to receive real-time information on developments, quickly identify conflicts and find solutions together. She becomes a symbol for collective ownership and control

Using the principles of the extended VSM model - viability through self-organization - we have established a system in which each operational unit acts independently and with a sense of identity. The real strength lies in the coordination capability: as in the Cybersyn network, all units communicate and exchange data continuously via the already widespread (in-house) automation system AmaSyn Echo. The focus at is not only on efficiency, but also on individual control over data as well as working and production conditions.

Red Friday

With the introduction of "Red Friday" as a national holiday, we not only commemorate the victims of the catastrophe of November 12, 2031, but also celebrate the triumph of solidarity and justice over the mechanisms of exploitation and oppression. AmaSyn has long since freed itself from the shadows of its past and is now regarded worldwide as a role model for democratic work organization and sustainable production. The active participation of everyone in decision-making and the decentralized management of resources have not only improved working conditions, but also addressed global social and environmental challenges. Trade unions have developed into strong, digital networks that not only represent employees, but are also actively involved in shaping society and the economy. AmaSyn's digital infrastructure is now not only used for economic purposes, but has also revolutionized education, healthcare and social services. "Comrade Alexa" symbolizes a change that has transformed technology from an instrument of control to a tool of emancipation.

Today, a decade after the first steps towards transformation, it is clear that the vision of a just and democratic society was no mere utopia. With every "Red Friday", we remind ourselves that progress is not achieved through blind optimization, but through courage, solidarity and the will to break new ground.